On a sunny morning in January 1979, then-US President Jimmy Carter welcomed a historic guest in Washington: Deng Xiaoping, who opened the door to China’s economy.

Deng Xiaoping, the first Communist Chinese leader to visit the United States, arrived the night before and was greeted by the Vice President, Secretary of State and their spouses.

It was the beginning of a diplomatic relationship that changed the world forever, laying the foundation for China’s economic rise and subsequent competition with the United States.

Formal ties with China are one of the more notable legacies of Carter’s tumultuous presidency.

Carter was born on October 1, the same day as the founding of the People’s Republic of China. “He liked to say that it was fate that brought him and China together,” said Liu Yawei, Carter’s close friend.

Even after leaving office, he took pains to build close ties with the Chinese people, but those ties have suffered as relations between Washington and Beijing have cooled.

Yet he remains one of a small group of American politicians cherished by Beijing for helping communist China emerge from isolation in the 1970s.

Beijing expressed condolences, saying Carter was the “driving force” behind the 1979 agreement. But the Chinese internet went further, calling him “Meiren Zong” or “the benevolent American,” giving him a title once reserved for emperors.

Carter first came into contact with China in 1949, when the country was experiencing the final stages of a bloody, decades-long civil war.

As a young U.S. Navy officer, his submarine unit was assigned to Qingdao in eastern China. Their purpose was to aid the Kuomintang troops who were resisting the siege of Mao Zedong’s troops.

A few kilometers behind enemy lines was a Chinese commander named Deng Xiaoping.

When they finally met decades later, it was as leaders of their respective countries.

It was former US President Richard Nixon and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger who laid the groundwork for wooing then-Mao Zedong-era China. As Beijing and Moscow bickered, they sensed an opportunity to draw away their Soviet allies.

But these efforts culminated with Carter and Deng Xiaoping, who pushed for deeper ties. For months, the U.S. president sent trusted negotiators to hold secret talks with Beijing.

The breakthrough came in late 1978. In mid-December, the two countries announced that they would “recognize each other and establish diplomatic relations starting from January 1, 1979.”

The world was surprised and Beijing was delighted, but the island of Taiwan, which had long relied on the United States for support against China’s claims, was crushed. Carter remains a controversial figure there.

Previously, the United States only recognized the Taiwan government. China considers it a renegade province. U.S. support for Taiwan has been a sticking point in negotiations for years.

Switching to recognition of Beijing means that the United States finally recognizes China’s position that China has only one government and that the government is in Beijing. This is one china policyTo this day, it still forms the cornerstone of U.S.-China relations.

But the pivot inevitably raises questions about America’s commitment to its allies. Congress, upset by Carter’s decision, eventually forced through a law mandating its right to provide defensive weapons to Taiwan, creating a lasting contradiction in U.S. foreign policy.

Historians still agree that 1979 marked a remarkable series of moves to realign global power: it not only united the United States and China against the Soviet Union, but also paved the way for peace and rapid economic growth in East Asia.

But Carter would not have been able to do this without his special relationship with Deng Xiaoping. According to Deng Xiaoping biographer Ezra Vogel, Carter wrote in his diary after spending a day with Deng during his visit in January: “It was a pleasure negotiating with him.”

“Both of them followed common sense and actually had significant similarities in their serious personalities,” said Yang Dali, a professor of political science at the University of Chicago. “There was something very unique between the two people that really built trust. “

Deng Xiaoping survived three political purges under Mao Zedong and became one of China’s most influential leaders. Historians credit his vision, confidence, candor, and sharp intellect as largely responsible for this crucial diplomatic victory.

Vogel wrote that he sensed the opportunity provided by Carter to both thwart Soviet power and initiate the modernization that had begun in Japan, Taiwan, and even South Korea. He knows that China will not be able to achieve this goal without the help of the United States.

According to Chinese reports, Deng Xiaoping’s visit to the United States began with a lively first meeting at the White House, where Deng laughed and revealed his Qingdao connections with Carter. “Now our two peoples are shaking hands,” he said excitedly as the two clasped hands in front of Rose Garden cameras.

Over the next few days, Deng visited several states with Carter, launching a whirlwind charm offensive against the Americans. In a famous photo, Deng is seen grinning while wearing a cowboy hat at a Texas rodeo. A local newspaper headline read “Deng shuns politics, Texan.”

Vogel said Carter described Deng as “intelligent, tenacious, clever, frank, courageous, personable, confident and friendly.”

He later wrote in his diary that the visit was “one of the pleasant experiences of my presidency…Everything went well for me, and the Chinese leaders seemed equally happy.”

“Carter was not only a catalyst for diplomatic rapprochement but a dramatic signaling moment,” said Orville Schell, director of the Asia Society’s Center on U.S.-China Relations, who was a journalist who covered Deng in 1979 travel.

“He introduced Deng Xiaoping to the country and indeed to the world. It turned what had been a contentious relationship into a very cordial relationship. The way Carter and Deng interacted showed that the people of both countries could put history aside , starting a new historical process.” “

Under Carter, China gained “most-favored-nation” trade status, boosting the economy and creating jobs. Within a year, two-way trade between the two countries doubled.

Professor Yang pointed out that in the next decade, China will become an important trading partner not only of the United States but also of the world, which is “extremely important” to China’s growth.

Carter’s ties to China continued long after his presidential term ended.

In the 1990s, his nonprofit Carter Center played an important role in China’s nascent grassroots democracy, observing village elections, training officials and educating voters at the invitation of the Chinese government.

Carter has returned home several times for personal visits, which is unusual for a former U.S. president. At one point, he and his wife, Rosalynn, helped build shelters for victims of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake.

Professor Yang said his dedication to humanitarian work, his humble beginnings as the son of a peanut farmer and his “civilian style” that contrasted with the formal public image of China’s leaders endeared him to many Chinese: “He Will be seen as an example of a leader who cares about others, not just in words but in actions.”

“Everywhere he went in China, people showed warm affection for him…The Chinese people really liked his courage and honesty,” said Dr. Liu, senior adviser to the Carter Center, who accompanied Carter on many trips, including A trip in 2014, when he was feted by local officials and the university.

In Qingdao, the city staged a surprise fireworks show for his 90th birthday. In Beijing, Deng Xiaoping’s daughter hosted a banquet and presented a gift – a 1979 People’s Daily front-page communiqué. “Both were moved to tears,” Dr. Liu recalled.

That was his last visit. As U.S.-China relations have become more volatile, so too has Carter’s relationship with China’s leadership, especially since Xi Jinping came to power.

In the run-up to his 2014 visit, senior government officials instructed universities not to sponsor his events, leading to a last-minute scramble to change venues. Carter pointed out.

Scheer recalled that a state banquet held in his honor at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing was attended by very few people. Notably, the event was hosted by then Vice President Li Yuanchao, while Xi was said to be hosting another dignitary elsewhere in the complex.

“He wouldn’t even tip his hat to Carter. That really shows the state of the relationship,” Mr Scheer said. “Carter was really angry. Two of his aides told me he even wanted to leave early because he felt disrespected.”

The Carter Center’s activities in China were eventually restricted, and a website they maintained that recorded village elections was taken offline. No clear explanation was given at the time, but Dr Liu attributed this to China’s growing suspicion of foreign organizations following the 2010 Arab Spring.

While Carter rarely spoke publicly about the snub, it was no less felt given his efforts to advocate for contact.

It also raises questions about whether his approach to human rights in China – which he describes as “patient” but criticized by others as weak – is ultimately justified.

Scheer noted that Carter often made “tremendous efforts… to keep China out of the way on human rights issues.” “Even after leaving office, he really steeled himself because the Carter Center had real stakes in this country.”

Some believe his decision to engage with communist China was motivated by the good faith of the United States at the time. After the violent chaos of the Cultural Revolution, “many Americans were left in disbelief — how could the Chinese live in angry isolation?” Professor Yang said. “American leaders sincerely want to provide real help.”

Others say that in bolstering its support for the Soviet Union, the United States set the course for China’s rise, ultimately creating one of China’s greatest rivals.

But these actions also benefited millions of Chinese, lifting them out of poverty and, for a time, expanding political freedoms at the local level.

“I think our generation was engaged kids,” Mr. Schell said. “We hope Carter can find a way for China to slowly build a comfortable relationship with the United States and the rest of the world.”

Toward the end of his life, Carter became increasingly concerned about the growing distrust between China and the United States and frequently warned of the possibility of a “modern Cold War.”

“In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I knew we were advancing the cause of peace. Although today’s leaders face a different world, the cause of peace remains equally important,” he wrote On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the normalization of relations between the two countries.

“(Leaders) must embrace our belief that the United States and China need to build a future together for themselves and for humanity as a whole.”