Musk’s war with America’s allies


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America did not elect Elon Musk. Yet he acts as Donald Trump’s de facto co-president. Musk’s self-appointed remit includes pushing for regime change in allied democracies. He has repeatedly said that the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) will save Germany in next month’s election. He called for the end of Sir Keir Starmer’s Labor government in the UK. And he asked his 211mn X followers if “America should free the people of Britain from their tyrannical government”. The consensus seems to be yes.

It would be an understatement to say that there is no introduction such a relationship between the president of America and the richest man in the world. History is no guide to this kind of duet, especially the half of the money that apparently fired for the overthrow of allied governments. America’s robber barons – the Rockefellers, Vanderbilts and Carnegies – did not act as equals to the presidents of their time. Nor does their imaginary wealth compare to Musk’s. JP Morgan is worth $49bn in today’s dollars. Henry Ford, who also has a soft spot for European fascism, is closer to $200bn. Musk’s fortune is more than double that. Ford was not admired by Franklin Roosevelt, his contemporary in the White House.

On the contrary, the past is filled with times when America interfered in the politics of other countries. Apart, however, from the CIA’s bag of tricks after the war to prevent the communists from power in continental Europe, Washington’s interference did not involve the allies. The question facing governments in Berlin, London and perhaps Paris soon is how to respond to this novel threat. Is Musk speaking for Trump? In this case, the west is as dead. Or is he testing the waters? That would give scope for western capitals to exploit the differences between Trump and Musk. The answer is probably a mix of both.

Just as important is what Musk didn’t say. He said bombarded Germany and the UK with abuseMusk’s silence on Russia and China speaks louder. Musk has never spoken for political prisoners or against repression in any of the autocracies. But he lionized Tommy Robinson, a far-right British thug serving his fifth prison sentence, as a prisoner of conscience. It is safe to say that Musk is not motivated by philanthropy to English children who are victims of gangs of men of mostly British-Pakistani origin. Childcare scandals in the UK date back more than two decades to almost every one where a Conservative government has been in office. Musk had nothing to say then.

Since Labor came to power, the welfare of England’s children has suddenly become its obsession. He called Jess Phillips, a minister in Starmer’s government, “a rape genocide apologist”. He also claimed that a quarter of a million children in Britain were being systematically abused. You’d need an AI-scale polygraph to pick up all of Musk’s disinformation. At a rate of one every few minutes, the speed of his poles was surpassed only by their shock value. Musk expressed no concern the estimated 20,000 Ukrainian children kidnapped from their homes and forcibly adopted by Russian families.

If this mess is up to Musk, Britain, Germany and others can handle it. The British public’s dislike of Musk places limits on his influence. Less than one in five British respondents view him favorably, according to a recent YouGov poll. Musk was also angry at his ignorance. By calling for Nigel Farage to be removed as leader of the rightwing Reform UK party, he misses the fact that Reform is Farage’s personal vehicle. Musk’s call for King Charles to dissolve parliament reinforces questions about his ignorance. Elected governments, not monarchs, choose when to call a general election in the UK. Musk’s impact on Germany — and knowledge about it — can be even lower.

Musk’s silence on China is easier to understand. His Tesla company has large operations there that he doesn’t want to risk. Trump’s default approach to the world is transactional; his China policy remained for the taking. In contrast, Musk raised Trump’s admiration for Vladimir Putin’s Russia and disdain for Europe. It’s easy to think that Musk is just trolling. It’s not about the money either. The Trump-Musk antipathy to European liberal democracy is real. He shares Trump’s impatience to end the war in Ukraine on terms that would be favorable to Russia. The AfD has promised to end Germany’s support for Ukraine. Starmer increased British aid.

The eastern side of the Atlantic alliance faces a journey without maps. The European habit is always to hope for the best. On this occasion it is necessary to plan for the worst.

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