Fifteen years ago, Tunisian fruit vendor Mohamed Bouazizi, despairing of official corruption and police violence, walked to the center of his hometown of Sidi Bouzid and set himself on fire, changing the region forever.

Much of the hope raised by this act was in ruins. Subsequent revolutions in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Syria killed tens of thousands and then in some cases led to a return to chaos or authoritarianism.

Only Tunisia appears to be living up to the promises of the Arab Spring, with voices from around the world supporting its democratic success and ignoring the economic and political failures of its post-revolutionary history that have fueled discontent.

Now, after Tunisian President Kais Saied’s dramatic seizure of power in July 2021, many of Tunisia’s post-revolutionary gains have been set aside. His opponents called it a coup, ushering in new hard-line rule in Tunisia.

Buried the hope of revolution

Over the next few years, in addition to temporarily closing parliament (which did not reopen until March 2023), Saied rewrote the constitution and oversaw a ruthless crackdown on critics and opponents.

“They are basically targeting everyone; judges, members of civil society, people from all political backgrounds, especially those who are talking about uniting the opposition against the coup regime,” said Kaouther Ferjani, whose father, Ennahda leader Said Ferjani, 71, was arrested in February 2023.

In September, Saied said his measures were a continuation of the revolution sparked by Bouzazi’s self-immolation. He portrayed himself as a man of the people, denouncing faceless “lobbyists and their supporters” who stand in the way of their ambitions.

Yet while many Tunisians have been silenced by Saied’s crackdown, they have also refused to participate in the elections, which are now little more than a presidential parade.

In 2014, during the country’s first post-revolution presidential election, some 61% of the country’s electorate went to the polls.

By last year’s election, turnout had halved.

Bassam Khawaja, deputy director of Human Rights Watch, told Al Jazeera English: “The dictatorship of Kais Saied has completely buried the hopes and aspirations of the 2011 revolution by systematically suppressing basic rights and freedoms and bringing democratic institutions under his control.”

After the revolution broke out, many people across Tunisia became activists, seeking to participate in forging a new national identity.

The number of civil society organizations has exploded, with thousands established to lobby against corruption or promote human rights, transitional justice, press freedom, and women’s rights.

Meanwhile, political shows compete for space to debate the direction of the country’s new identity.

“It was a wonderful time,” said one political analyst who witnessed the revolution and remains in Tunisia, who asked to remain anonymous. “Anyone who has something to say is saying it.

“Almost overnight, we had hundreds of political parties and thousands of civil society organizations. Many parties moved or merged… but Tunisia retained a vibrant civil society and freedom of expression until 2022.”

Threatened by Said’s Decree No. 54 of 2022, which would electronic communication Criticism of the ruling elite in the media and even on social networks is deemed wrong by the government and is therefore largely silenced.

“Free speech is one of the revolution’s few lasting benefits,” the analyst continued.

“The economy has not recovered, services have not really improved, but we had debate and freedom of speech. Now, with the introduction of Decree 54 and the arrest of commentators for one reason or another, that’s all gone.”

In 2025, both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch slammed Tunisia’s crackdown on activists and non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

In a statement issued in late November before the prosecution of six NGO staff and human rights defenders working for the Tunisian Refugee Council, Amnesty International noted that in the past four months, 14 Tunisian and international NGOs had suspended their activities due to court orders.

These include the Association of Democratic Women of Tunisia, the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights, the media platform Nawaat and the Tunisian chapter of the World Organization against Torture.

“Conspiracy to endanger national security”

Dozens of politicians from the post-revolutionary government were also arrested, with little concern for party affiliation or ideology.

exist April 2023Rached Ghannouchi, 84, the leader of Tunisia’s main political group, the Ennahdha Party, was arrested on charges of “conspiring to endanger national security.”

According to his daughter Yusra, Ghannucci now faces a further 42 years in prison following a series of subsequent convictions.

Later that year, Ghannouchi’s main critic, Abir Mousi, leader of the Free Terturian Party, was jailed on multiple charges.

Critics dismissed the charges, saying the criterion for arrest was the person’s likelihood of rallying against Saied.

“This is not just my father’s case,” Yusra continued, referring to others such as Jakhar bin Mubarak, the main opposition figure after the coup.

“Other politicians, judges, journalists and ordinary citizens… have been sentenced to very harsh sentences without any evidence and without respect for the legal process, simply because Tunisia has now unfortunately returned to the dictatorship that Tunisians fought against in 2010.”

Gannucci and Mousi remain in jail, along with dozens of former elected members of parliament. Parties that once vied for power in the country’s parliament are largely absent.

As Saied’s revised 2022 constitution weakens parliament, replacing it with one No longer a threat to the president.

“The old parliament was very testy and did itself no favors,” said Hatem Nafti, the essayist and author of “Our Friend Kais Said,” a critique of Tunisia’s new regime. He was referring to the ammunition provided to critics by a chaotic and occasionally violent parliament.

“However, it was democratically elected and blocked legislation that its members believed would harm Tunisia.

“In the new parliament, MPs feel the need to be tough, even rude, with ministers,” Nafti continued. “But it was really just a show … almost all the members were there because they agreed with Kais Said.”

Hopes that the justice system would act as a check and balance against Syed have been dashed. The president continues to reshape the judiciary to his own design, including firing 57 judges did not deliver He hopes to have a verdict in 2022.

By the time of the 2024 elections, this effort appears to be complete, with judicial opposition to his rule remaining in the form of administrative court, Surrendering to his personally appointed electoral authority, and most seriously competitors Jail for the President.

“The judiciary is now almost entirely under the control of the government,” Nafti continued. “Even under (deposed President Zine El Abidine) Ben Ali, there was the Supreme Council of the Judiciary (CSM), which oversaw the appointment, promotion and discipline of judges.

“Now this only exists on paper and the attorney general is able to determine exactly which judges go where and what sentences they will hand down.”

Citing what he called “the shameful silence of the international community that had supported the country’s democratic transition,” Khawaja said: “Said has returned Tunisia to a dictatorship.”